Wednesday, November 4, 2009

Operation Rah-e-Nijat (Freedom Path) in South Waziristan



Brig Asif Haroon Raja

FATA consisting of seven tribal agencies is backward and poverty stricken with little means of employment. The tribesmen are excellent fighters, revengeful, hospitable, fiercely independent, religious and proud of their traditions. They have all along remained loyal to Pakistan and defended western border without any assistance from Pakistan army. After 1947, South Waziristan Agency (SWA) was penetrated for the first time by regular troops in 2002 to flush out foreigners under intense pressure from Bush Administration. It ignited fire of militancy which kept spreading. After fighting the Waziris under Nek Muhammad and signing Shakai peace deal with him, troops entered Mehsud area within SWA in 2004. They could reach up to short of Srarogha after which operation was halted and peace agreement inked with Baitullah Mehsud. Thereon, operation was launched in North Waziristan Agency (NWA) which also culminated in uneasy peace deal with Gul Bahadur led Taliban. During second operation in Mehsud area in 2007 in which major battles took place in Shrawangai-Tiarza-Kunigram areas, 250 soldiers were deceptively taken hostage at Khaisura. To get the hostages released a deal had to be brokered with Baitullah and forward check posts were pulled back.

In November 2007, an inconclusive operation was launched in Swat. In January 2008, Srarogha fort in SWA was captured and inmates taken hostage by Mehsuds. Series of military operations were launched in 2008 which included Khyber Agency in June, Bajaur Agency in July and Swat in August. Another operation was launched in Swat in first week of May 2009 which broke the back of Fazlullah led militants. However, when acts of terror continued and worsened internal security situation, it was concluded that Hakimullah led Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) with its main base of operation in SWA was responsible for terrorism. It was therefore decided to launch a full-fledged operation to dismantle the network of TTP.

SWA stretches from Jandola in the northeast to Wana in southwest and is divided between Mahsud, Wazir and Bhittani tribes. Area stretching from Kot Nawaz-Makeen in the north to Shrawangai-Sarwakai in the south is inhabited by tribes of Mehsuds. Important towns and villages in this area are Makeen, Ladha, Srarogha, Kotkai, Kunigram. Remaining half of SWA from excluding Sarwakai up to Wana and Tanai is the domain of Waziri tribes. Other important towns in Wazir area are Angoor Adda and Shakai. Bhittanis followed by Mehsuds are in majority in Jandola. Tank which is a settled town and connected with Dera Ismail Khan (DIK) also has large concentration of Bhittanis and Mehsuds. While Jandola is the gateway into SWA, Wana is the major bustling city. NWA spreads from Miramshah-Mir Ali-Razmak in the north up to short of Makeen in the south. While Wazir belt is connected with Afghan border, Mehsud belt is not directly connected with Durand Line and for movement across its residents have to traverse through Waziri area or through NWA. Movement by foot or by mules across rugged mountains is however possible.

SWA is served by main artery of Bannu-DIK-Tank-Jandola. From Jandola, one branch moves to Spinkai Roghzai- Kotkai- Srarogha-Makeen; the other along Jandola-Sarwakai-Wana. From Wana, the road traverses further south towards Tanai-Sambaza-Zhob-Mulslimbagh-Quetta. Within Mehsud area, three arteries run from north to south, which are inter-connected. Road Makeen-Ladha enters into NWA at Cheena-Kot Nawaz. From Makeen, one road leads southwards to Tiarza and the other to Ladha. From Ladha, one branch moves towards Kunigram-Chalweshtai-Shrawangai-Torwam Bridge from where it enters Wazir area at Shakai and hits Wana. Khaisura is closer to Shakai. From Torwam, one track moves eastwards towards Gurgara Sar-Shinsar-Barwand. From Barwand, one road leads north-eastwards to Srarogha and the other to Jandola.

Mehsud area has all along remained a no-go area where runaways would seek refuge, or kidnapped persons or hijacked cars taken. Being hot headed and aggressive by nature, they have never been under the effective control of political agent or law enforcing agencies in the form of South Waziristan Scouts and Khasadars. Chechens, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Arabs who had taken part in Afghan jihad in 1980s and in 2001 had taken refuge in SWA, got married and preferred to settle down permanently since they had been refused entry by countries of their origin. They found the environment most suitable to continue with Jihadist activities unobserved and unscathed.

Uzbeks, mostly belonging to Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan are in larger strength and are the most hardy and ruthless fighters. Till June 2009, not a single drone attack came on positions held by Baitullah since he was on the payroll of CIA and RAW. Reportedly, he had over $2 billion in cash and arms worth $1 billion which enabled him to pay handsome salaries to his fighters and heavy compensation to families of suicide bombers. With plenty of resources and no other errand to do, Baitullah established Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in December 2007 and started dreaming of a caliphate. Assisted by foreigners and his confidantes, he got busy in recruiting, training and stocking armaments provided by foreign sources in Kabul. Commanders for each agency were nominated. Bajaur Agency and Swat were turned into fortresses. In anticipation to a showdown with the army in his home ground, he appointed commanders for each town in Mehsud belt and turned every house into a fortress and caves, mountain hideouts and tunnels into arms storehouses. Peaceful residents were terrorized into silence while over 500 elders and Maliks assassinated. Promise of Islamic laws and portrayal of army as American mercenary army were other factors which helped fake Taliban in gaining sympathy of the locals

To approach Mehsud area, the attacker has to first tackle Ahmadzai Wazir dominated inhabited SWA in the south, or Othmanzai Wazir-Dawar dominated NWA in the north, or Bhittani dominated Jandola in southeast. Mehsud belt tucked deep inside treacherous terrain of SWA is well served with inter-connected roads and tracks, which allows militants to shift or reinforce threatened sectors. High mountains covered with thick vegetation together with dense forests provide excellent hiding places and vantage points. Defiles and valleys canalize intruders and make the area an ideal place for planning and conducting guerrilla operations.

Wazir-Mehsud antagonism is age-old but sometime back Maulvi Nazir heading Ahmadzai Waziris suspecting that the army was directing drone attacks on his positions had distanced himself from the army and had become an ally of Baitullah. Gul Bahadur heading Othmanzais having similar grouses had also joined the alliance and so had Faqir Muhammad in command of Bajaur chapter of Taliban. Sudden death of Baitullah in August 2009 as a result of drone attack coupled with successful military operation in Swat and adjoining areas gave a death blow to the alliance. Both Nazir and Gul Bahadur reluctant to accept leadership of Hakimullah Mehsud have distanced themselves from TTP. More inclined towards Jihad in Afghanistan, they promised to stay neutral in case of an operation against Mehsuds. Both have endured maximum brunt of drone attacks for being allegedly linked with Jalaluddin Haqqani and for maintaining pro-Pakistan stance. Loss of Swat front and neutralization of two flank guards of Mehsud belt made the position of Hakimullah led TTP in SWA exposed and vulnerable. The TTP otherwise is going through a period of turmoil because of war of succession and tightened noose of the army around its domain in SWA since July. Hakimullah has not been able to assert his authority since he took over under extremely turbulent circumstances. His grip over TTP has become fragile which is on the verge of breakup.

Like in Swat, TTP under Hakimullah has no dearth of cash and armaments. Most weapons are of Russian and Indian origin, which have been supplied to this mercenary outfit from Afghanistan, and stored in caves, tunnels and selected houses in each village/town. They have been receiving concerted training in art of guerrilla warfare by Indian commandoes and Afghan instructors who had taken part in 1980s Afghan Jihad. Qari Hussain, an expert in training suicide bombers and some others are feverishly engaged in training boys of tender age. Orphans from Azad Kashmir were whisked away soon after the devastating 2005 earthquake. These and other destitute are their preferred choices since this category can easily be misled and brainwashed. Each house with a high compound wall has an MG in fixed role facing the entrance door, a manned observation post on the roof and a cave towards the rear side. Anyone trying to barge in is automatically engaged by the cleverly concealed MG, allowing reaction time to the inmates to escape through the cave. Nodal points on mountains overlooking valleys and towns/villages duly converted into strong points guard approaches. IEDs innovatively fixed astride roads/tracks are planted extensively to cause heavy damage to intruding troops and vehicles.

The TTP lost public support when Fazlullah led Taliban in Swat drunk with power and affluence instead of letting Nizam-e-Adl get introduced, refused to de-weaponise and abide by Swat agreement signed in February 2009 and occupied Lower Dir and Shangla. Successful Swat operation Rah-e-Rast and return of over 2 million displaced persons to their homes turned the tide and forced the militants to run in panic. Establishment of linkage of militants with foreign powers further brought them in bad books of the people. Spate of acts of terror in September-October made the public averse to Taliban and demand for uprooting their main base in SWA grew louder. The public as well as all political parties less Jamaat-e-Islami, Jamiat Ulema Islam and Tehrik-e-Insaf stood behind the army.

Additional troops had started to move into Waziristan from July onwards in anticipation to a decisive battle in SWA. USA had been exerting extreme pressure on our government to commence operation in Waziristan in conjunction with Swat operation. Army disfavoured opening of two fronts simultaneously particularly when troops were engaged in Swat, Lower and Upper Dir, Buner, Shangla, Bajaur, Mohmand Agency, Khyber Agency and Darra Adam Khel. It would have amounted to dilution and dispersion of resources thereby losing concentration of effort in all sectors. It took its time to allow consolidation of gains made on Swat front. Period from July to mid October was judiciously utilized for gaining intelligence to formulate plans, getting to know strength and weaknesses of militants, acclimatization of troops and familiarization of area of operations, completing its operational deficiencies, tying up nuts and bolts and streamlining drills how to confront challenges of IEDs, militants adept in guerrilla warfare and rugged terrain. For the first time, the army was not launched in haste and given adequate preparation time and moral support. During preparatory manoeuvre, troops continued with their creeping forward policy to isolate and encircle targeted area from multiple sides. This tactic curtailed liberty of action of Hakimullah led militants and gave psychological ascendancy to the military. At the same time, both Maulvi Nazir and Gul Bahadur were kept under tight control and no deal was made to keep them friendly.

Once the go ahead was given by Federal and NWFP governments, operation Rah-e-Nijat was unfolded from three directions on 17 October. One prong moved from north to south along axis Razmak-Makeen, the second from southeast to northwest along axis Jandola-Kotkai-Srarogha, the third from south to north along axis Shakai-Shrawangai-Ladha. Balanced force was employed on each axis of advance and movement made on broad front to overcome opposition with speed and to home on to vital complex of Ladha-Makeen. The three pronged manoeuvre aimed at outmanoeuvring and encircling the adversary and blocking all avenues of escape or reinforcement from elsewhere. Soldiers climbed the rugged mountains like mountain leopards and rolled down to rupture the positions occupied by militants on hilltops.

Within fortnight, considerable progress has been made on all axes causing disarray among militants. Wireless intercepts indicated signs of chaos among them. Many among them have shaved their beards and trimmed their beards and are running for life. Troops on Razmak pincer have secured Kot Azam and Cheena and are fast moving towards critical position of Makeen. On Jandola axis, troops have captured important places of Spinkai Roghzai, Kotkai which is hometown of Hakimullah and Qari Hussain and have now over run the pivotal position of Srarogha and succeeded in occupying important hilltops around the town which is facilitating their mopping up operation. This axis is now poised to move towards Makeen. On Shakai-Shrawangai axis, Shrawangai, Khaisura, Barwand, Torwam Bridge and key town Kunigram have been captured. Troops on this axis are all set to attack vital target of Ladha within next 24 hours, which is 8 km ahead of Kunigram.

Although the militants put up stiff resistance at each point, however the resolve and determination of assaulting troops led by officers was so strong that they had to give in. Rapid successes made by the brave-hearts have shattered centuries-old myth of invincibility of tribesmen of this region. Terrorists are failing and will fail because they are fighting for a wrong cause and at the behest of foreign powers. Huge caches of arms, ammunition, explosives, suicide jackets and material required for suicide jackets have been seized; chemical factories making IEDs taken over. Five truckloads of Indian origin arms, ammunition, medical equipment and literature have been apprehended from Kunigram. One laptop of 1000 GB with external drive containing all sorts of data, training lessons, and videos of criminal activities of so-called Taliban recovered. Tunnels laden with armaments in hundreds have been discovered in captured areas. One of the tunnels in Kotkai is 500 meters long. These tunnels were in use for treating injured, for rest and refitting, for training and hiding suicide bombers and for making escape good. Houses with compounds and high mud walls where suicide bombers were imparted training have also been unearthed. Weapons and equipment seized include heavy MGs, RPGs, 12.7mm and 14.5mm guns, 107mm rockets, AK-47 rifles, SMGs, missile launchers, anti-aircraft guns, grenades, anti-tank mines, chemicals, explosives, wireless sets, jamming equipment.

Phase one of operation has been completed and the decisive battle will be fought in the vital complex of Ladha-Makeen in one week time. It will be the hardest battle since apart from presence of top leadership of TTP; majority of militants uprooted from forward positions would have withdrawn to these towns and would give last ditch battle. Reportedly strength of local militants is around 10000-12000 and that of foreigners 1200-1500. So far about 300-400 have been killed, which implies that bulk is still alive. Either most have withdrawn to Ladha-Makeen area, or to NWA. Reward money of Rs 50 million each for Hakimullah, Qari Hussain, Waliur Rehman and 10-20 million for 24 terrorist commanders has been announced.

Although border security check posts along Afghan-Pakistan border have been deviously vacated by US-NATO troops at a crucial time when operation had just begun, no RAW-RAAM agent would like to jump into boiling cauldron of SWA. If they come they are sure to die a horrible death. Afghan Taliban have categorically stated that they would abide by their policy of not confronting Pak Army. Terrorists from other militant groups linked with TTP outside the battle zone are now in no position to come to the aid of beleaguered Taliban. They would otherwise not like to get sucked into killing area and get killed. Ongoing suicide attacks are being undertaken by those who had been already launched from SWA in September, or by other banned groups linked with TTP, or by RAW-RAAM trained suicide bombers and terrorists. Several RAW agents have been caught in last few days. Possibility of involvement of Blackwater elements in terrorist activities in major cities of Punjab, NWFP and Islamabad cannot be ruled out.

Successful completion of Rah-e-Nijad would certainly help in curbing terrorism to a great extent but as long as six foreign agencies in Kabul busy hatching conspiracies and launching covert operations against Pakistan do not wind up their offices and return to their respective homes, terrorism would not get eliminated. Likewise, as long as our rulers follow US friendly and anti-people policies and do not address root causes, terrorists would keep multiplying. Now that Indian role in destabilizing Pakistan has been thoroughly exposed, it is to be seen whether US Administration would continue to play a double game by defending India and pressing Pakistan to continue doing more and more. New battlegrounds will be created to keep the army bogged down. Going by the logic of Hillary Clinton that it is difficult to believe that Pakistan military leadership didn't know the existence of Al-Qaeda leadership in Pakistan since 2002, how should Pakistanis get convinced that RAW is undertaking covert operations from Afghan soil without the knowledge of USA. How and why should we accept the tainted logic of USA that India is no threat to Pakistan? Time for US military in Afghanistan is running out and it must know that Pakistan and not India or unpopular Karzai regime will help in providing safe and honourable exit to US forces. US leadership must listen to the voice of American people who want US soldiers to return to their homes.

Brig Asif Haroon is Member Board of Advisors, Opinion Maker. He is a defence and security analyst based at Rawalpindi and author of several books. He has been Military Attaché in Egypt.


202 Blackwater Personnel Arrive In Islamabad?



By NISAR MEHDI
Wednesday, 4 November 2009.
The Nation
WWW.AHMEDQURAISHI.COM

KARACHI, Pakistan-Foreigners affiliated with the notorious private military contractor Blackwater, later renamed as Xe Services LLC, arrived in Islamabad on Tuesday through a PIA flight, sources told TheNation.

"Of the 274 passengers, who boarded Pakistan's national flag carrier-PIA, flight PK-786 from Heathrow Airport UK, 202 were foreigners but they were fluently speaking Urdu language," disclosed the sources.

The officials on duty at Shaheed Benazir International Airport Islamabad said, "We had instructions to allow the foreigners entry without custom procedure."

The sources said that the plane reached Islamabad airport at 4:08am PST, and they had received official instructions from the authorities not to inspect any of them and clear them immediately from the airport.

An official of PIA confirmed that the PIA flight PK-786 from Heathrow reached Islamabad at its destination at 04:08 am and said that the plane had the capacity of 358 passengers but total 274 passengers travelled on the flight.

He declined to comment the presence of large number of foreigners in the flight saying that they had no information in this regard.

Former Chief of Army Staff Mirza Aslam Baig has accused former President Pervez Musharraf of giving Blackwater a green signal to carry out its terrorist operations in the cities of Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Peshawar and Quetta.

According to a August 20, 2009 report in the New York Times by Mark Mazzetti, the Central Intelligence Agency in 2004 hired contractors from the private security contractor Blackwater USA as part of a secret programme to locate and assassinate top operatives of Al-Qaeda.

"Blackwater employees hired to guard American diplomats in Iraq were accused of using excessive force on several occasions, including shootings in Baghdad in 2007 in which 17 civilians were killed. Iraqi officials have since refused to give the company an operating licence," wrote Mazzetti.

"Several current and former government officials interviewed for this article spoke only on the condition of anonymity because they were discussing details of a still classified programme," the NYT reported.

The newspaper report said that despite publicly breaking with it, the State Department continued to award the company, formerly known as Blackwater, more than $400 million in contracts to fly its diplomats around Iraq, guard them in Afghanistan, and train security forces in anti-terrorism tactics at its remote camp in North Carolina.

Every indication suggests that the US Embassy in Islamabad, which is being expanded into the world's largest US embassy, has brought in Blackwater without clearance from Pakistani security authorities and with direct help from the unpopular pro-US government in Islamabad.

Waziristan Operation ?Some Ground Realities



Iftikhar Momin

South Waziristan, given a combination of forbidding terrain and entrenched presence of the hardcore elements of TTP and al-Qaeda fighters, is a tough military nut to crack. The situation has been building up for a considerable time and as the Pakistan Army moves ahead to eliminate and flush out some of the most feared al-Qaeda fighters along with their TTP henchmen and destroy their infrastructure, the enormity of the challenge is not lost on any one. It is the largest ever anti-terrorist operation that has been mounted on either side of the Pak-Afghan border, in which 30,000 Pakistani troops have been committed. Its outcome is bound to have a deep impact on the war against terror not only in the region but also on security of metropolises around the globe.

The objective of the operation is to break the stranglehold of al-Qaeda, who in close collaboration with TTP, is holding the Mehsud tribesmen to ransom in their own land. It is a measure of the desperate situation that centuries' old traditional hierarchy of tribal authority lies wasted and warlords, in most cases Taliban upstarts, now call the shots and hold sway in the badlands of Waziristan. Such vacuum of authority has thrown up a string of maverick Taliban commanders aligned with al-Qaeda, including Nek Muhammad, Abdullah Mehsud, Baitullah Mehsud and now Hakeemullah Mehsud, who have turned the South Waziristan area into the heart of darkness feeding destructive instability into entire Fata region and beyond.

Terrorists of all hue, involved in acts of terrorism, have sought refuge here. The trails of all major acts of terrorism in and outside Pakistan inevitably lead to this fountainhead of terrorism. Battle hardened foreign fighters; Arabs, Chechen particularly Uzbeks, have thrived here under the umbrella of al-Qaeda. The threat level has made an operation inevitable and costs are estimated to be high.

Even as the operation moves forward in face of tough and determined resistance, some elements in foreign media have raised the issue of Pak Army's 'understanding' with tribal chiefs Maulvi Nazir and Hafiz Gul Bahadar; Taliban commanders in Northern Waziristan, who have agreed not to interfere with operations in Southern Waziristan. This certainly is a pragmatic political move, which not only provides a greater freedom of movement to the Pak Army against TTP and al-Qaeda but also reduces opposition to the conduct of operations in South Waziristan. Taliban movement has many factions and it is important that the campaign against TTP and al-Qaeda in South Waziristan remains proscribed to the intended scope.

It is important for Pakistan to ensure that Taliban resistance in Afghanistan should not combines with TPP and al-Qaeda to join the fight in South Waziristan. Such a contingency may suit other players in the game but this scenario needs to be avoided by Pakistan at all cost. The 'understanding' serves to emphasize the ideological divide in the Taliban movement and should be seriously considered by US and NATO forces that tend to treat the resistance in Afghanistan as monolithic and are routinely tempted to bite more than what can be chewed.



It is good that US for the present have accepted the aims and objectives of Rah-i-Nijat in an understanding spirit. "We have a shared goal here and the shared goal is fighting violent extremism," State Department spokesman said at a briefing.

It is however the Indian response that, coming at a time when Pak Army is seized with the campaign in South Waziristan, should prove instructive in understanding the Pakistani threat perception vis-à-vis India. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, while making a veiled reference to Pakistan, during his address the top commanders of the three services, said that the situation in India's immediate neighborhood had worsened and expressed deep concern over intelligence reports of "imminent terror attacks" in the country.

To many Pakistani observers what he meant to communicate was that any terrorist incident occurring on Indian soil may see a repetition of the 2001 -2002 confrontation that followed the attack on the Indian Parliament on 13 Dec 2001. Why should he raise the possibility of a terrorist strike in India and by implication hold Pakistan responsible for it should be of interest to US military leadership which tends to scoff at the Pakistani assertions that even in the current state of affairs the major threat to Pakistan's security emanated from India.

The veiled threat may be attributed to the Indian anxiety caused by dismantling of al-Qaeda/TPP terror network in which it has invested heavily. India has not lacked in motivation to build up the menace of TPP in a relentless proxy war. It is also worried that a defeat of her protégés will make its position in Afghanistan difficult to sustain.

For Pakistan severing of the umbilical cord that links TPP with the Indian bases in Afghanistan should remain a top priority. Sealing of border with Afghanistan thus emerges as an imperative of the campaign in which US and NATO forces should play an active part.

Operation Rah-i-Nijat has taken a good start and is well onto its way to success. It should, God willing, come to a completion within the six to eight weeks period before the onset of a freezing winter which will limit the conduct of large scale operations. Its focus must remain on isolating the al-Qaeda, TPP and a clutch of other terror outfits from the local population of Mehsuds, followed by annihilation in detail. While holding onto the cleared land will remain important, to prevent a comeback by terrorists, initiation of political and developmental initiatives to utilize the window of opportunity provided by Operation Rah-i-Nijat is paramount so that the militants' hold over Fata can be effectively broken. A humane and well-organized care of the IDPs should prove a good starting point in launching a campaign for the hearts and minds of the local populace, which remains the ultimate objective of the campaign in South Waziristan.

HPC Rickshaw wisdom; Zardari's Rise and Fall; Humanitarian to a Nation



Soach reha hai Pakistan Na koi dhanda na koi kaam Rishwat aam, traffic jaam Amrika kay hum baney ghulam Sari dunya mein badnam Hoga kya mera anjaam?
Yeh soach reha hai Pakistan

http://photos-e.ak.fbcdn.net/hphotos-ak-snc1/hs009.snc3/11632_176910343872_677898872_2876335_824076_n.jpg


Rise and fall
Monday, November 02, 2009 Nawab Mumtaz Ali Bhutto
Readers will recall my repeated warnings that a man with Zardari's reputation, who has no educational or political background and lacks all the other prerequisites of leadership, will be an absolute disaster in a minor office, let alone the top position in the country. This has proved to be true in a short period leading to a nationwide upheaval. His claim to fame rests entirely on being the husband of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto and spending eight years in jail. Let us look at these laurels a bit closely. Shaheed Benazir, in her book Daughter of the East, says that she married him because of relentless pressure from her mother and aunts, and because of his own persistence. It is surprising, however, that she was unable to control him during her two terms in office, during which time he came to be called Mr Ten Percent. For the veracity of this epithet, let us not depend on the corruption cases against him, even though two—the Surrey Palace and money-laundering cases in Jersey and Switzerland—stand proved, but listen to the laments of the people at large and even jiyalas. Accepting the principle that there is no smoke without fire and the fact that before marriage, the Zardari family had nothing to show but a cinema house in Karachi, many questions arise about his lifestyle not only in the country but more so abroad. For instance, he recently took a planeload of people for Umra and claimed to have paid for their travel out of his own pocket–approximately twenty five million rupees–and also gave five million rupees to his old school, THE Cadet College, Petaro. During these days of worldwide economic collapse, when even international banks have been wiped out, for someone to throw money around in this manner indicates a huge reservoir of wealth. Added to the corruption cases are the four murder charges against him, including that of Shaheed Mir Murtaza Bhutto, who was gunned down by the police in broad daylight, at a time when Murtaza's sister was prime minister of Pakistan. It is very significant that now all the involved policemen not only walk free but have been handsomely rewarded. All the above is a matter of record and cannot be denied or concealed. It is claimed that the two years Zardari spent in jails and six in a luxury hospital in Islamabad are a sacrifice for the nation, which establish his being in the highest offices in the country. No one cares that such a concession is extremely dangerous since it opens the portals of power to all kinds of characters. Of course, the beneficiaries of Zardari's meteoric assent from purgatory to the Presidency explain away that he was not convicted in the long period of ten years and is therefore innocent. Not quite so. It cannot be concealed that he was not acquitted either, and he and his cohorts have been reprieved only by the unconstitutional and immoral NRO. Besides, in public life it is what people believe and the disgrace faced that matter, not conviction. He was elected president on an indirect vote of assembly members. He got a mandate to avenge the murder of Shaheed Benazir and provide "roti, kapra, makan" to the people (they have done neither). If even at the emotionally charged time of the polls this question had been put to the people the answer would definitely have been in the negative as people hold the president guilty as charged and also responsible for the murder of his wife, whose killers he professes to know. The belief is strengthened by the fact that no complaint has been filed in almost two years, which normally is a knee-jerk reaction to even a petty crime, let alone the murder of an international leader and mother of his children, and in whose name he continues to thrive. As for the long duration of the trials, eight years is no big deal. We all know and, speaking from personal experience, cases in our courts go on forever. However, the delay was compounded by Zardari himself, who claimed mental illness, heart trouble and back pain (all of which have suddenly disappeared) to obstruct progress and conviction. As for the distress of imprisonment, here too there is no cause for complaint, he being most of the time ensconced in a luxury hospital where all the comforts of a five-star hotel were available, together with unrestricted visitors and frequent releases on parole, with first-class travel at government expense. Starting with Zardari's negative stand on the judges' issue, despite repeated promises to the contrary, dodging the repeal of the 17th Amendment and Article 58(2)(b), failure to provide any relief to the masses, right up to plunging the country into civil war, it has become impossible to keep him afloat. The honourable thing for him to do is to quit and take with him the team of his partners who surround him. What is desperately required in the present mess is a leader in the true sense of the word, who commands trust and respect. The chaos that is rampant today is the consequence of not only the president being unfit for the job but also the concept of "reconciliation." This has given us a political setup, devoid of ideology and principals in which it is proudly proclaimed there is no last word, allowing lots of space for playing tricks. "Reconciliation" is merely an invitation to come and sit at the banquet of government and indulge to the limit. The main purpose is to rope in all dissent so that no one is left out to complain. As a consequence we have the proponents of Nizam-e-Mustafa/Shariat, leftists, rightists, nationalists, adventures with no commitment to the people, who believe only in being with the government of the day to enjoy the perks of power. Such a conglomerate of clashing interests is a non-starter ab initio. Apart from the huge costs to the exchequer of providing ministerial portfolios to all and sundry and accommodating everyone to his satisfaction, it is impossible to have a lasting state of harmony among these basically conflicting interests, as we see today. There is nothing for the people in "reconciliation" as the experience of almost two years has proved. Never before have the people of Pakistan been so deprived and destitute and the government of the day so helpless and useless. There is no surprise that reconciliation has blown up and the country is at the crossroads of uncertainty and panic as never before. This scenario was easy to predicted at the start when, of all people, Zardari become the master of the destiny of one hundred and seventy million Pakistanis. The writer is chairman of the Sindh National Front.

Humanitarian to a Nation

This article appeared on pages 33-43 of the November/December 2004 print edition of Saudi Aramco World.

Click for the Table of Contents

Humanitarian to a Nation, Written by Richard Covington, Photographed by Shahidul Alam / DRIK

PHOTO ESSAY

In the cool interior of a mental ward in Karachi, a short, powerfully built man with a flowing snow-white beard and penetrating dark-brown eyes is standing at the bedside of a distraught young woman. She has covered her head with a sheet and is pleading for news of the two children her husband took from her.

"I know you are suffering terribly, but this is no way to bring back your children," says the man with stern compassion. "You have a college degree. You can do many things to help the other patients."

Outside the room's windows of latticed stone, several hundred other women stroll and lounge under pipal trees scattered around a courtyard as big as several football fields. All are here because their families cannot—or will not—cope with their mental illnesses.

"Self-help," says the man as he walks away from the young mother's bedside. "That's the best way to get back on your feet."

For more than half a century, Abdul Sattar Edhi, now 76 years old, has been living proof that a determined individual can mobilize others to alleviate misery and, in so doing, knit together the social fabric of a nation. Firmly refusing financial support from both government and formal religious organizations, this self-effacing man with a primary-school education has almost single-handedly created one of the largest and most successful health and welfare networks in Asia. Whether he is counseling a battered wife, rescuing an accident victim, feeding a poor child, sheltering a homeless family or washing an unidentified and unclaimed corpse before burial, Edhi and Bilquis, his wife of 38 years, help thousands of Pakistanis each day.

Starting in 1951 with a tiny dispensary in Karachi's poor Mithadar neighborhood, Edhi has steadily built up a nationwide organization of ambulances, clinics, maternity homes, mental asylums, homes for the physically handicapped, blood banks, orphanages, adoption centers, mortuaries, shelters for runaway children and battered women, schools, nursing courses, soup kitchens and a 25-bed cancer hospital. All are run by some 7000 volunteers and a small paid staff of teachers, doctors and nurses. Edhi has also personally delivered medicines, food and clothing to refugees in Bosnia, Ethiopia and Afghanistan. He and the drivers of his ambulances have saved lives in floods, train wrecks, civil conflicts and traffic accidents. After the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center, he donated $100,000 to Pakistanis in New York who lost their jobs in the subsequent economic crisis.

Remarkably, the lion's share of the Edhi Foundation's $10-million budget comes from private donations from individual Pakistanis inside and outside the country. In the 1980's, when Pakistan's then-President Zia ul-Haq sent him a check for 500,000 rupees (then more than $30,000), Edhi sent it back. Last year, the Italian government offered him a million-dollar donation. He refused. "Governments set conditions that I cannot accept," he says, declining to give any details.

This self-effacing man with a primary-school education has almost single-handedly created one of the largest and most successful health and welfare networks in Asia.Usually dressed in a simple tunic over gray pajamas, scuffed sandals on his feet and his trademark astrakhan hat on his head, Edhi outlines his philosophy in the Mithadar dispensary where he launched his charity more than five decades ago. "I tell people that, because I am working for you, the money must come from you," he says. For years, this meant that Edhi would take to the streets to beg on behalf of his growing social programs. Even in his 70's, he still occasionally begs on the streets, generally for the sake of severely ill individuals in urgent need of expensive medical care that his clinics cannot provide.

Generally, however, donors come in person to one of the 300 centers and clinics across Pakistan. One, who declined to give his name, explained that he gives money regularly to the Edhi Foundation because an Edhi ambulance once rescued his sister from an automobile accident. (The cost of an ambulance call—one of the few services for which the foundation charges—is less than 50 rupees, or around 85 us cents.) "When I give this 1400 rupees to Edhi, I know it goes to people who need it," says the donor.

Some donors have been very generous. One family donated two villas in the wealthy Karachi suburb of Clifton for use as a residence and school for around 250 girls. A Pakistani expatriate in the uk donated office buildings worth £1.4 million ($2.5 million) that became the British headquarters of the foundation, which organizes local charity services both for expatriates and in support of the foundation's work in Pakistan. In addition to money and property, contributors donate clothes, appliances, furniture—even goat and chicken meat, sometimes by the ton. The organization uses a portion of these gifts to feed and clothe residents of the homes; the rest is given away to other hospitals, prisons and disaster victims.

The lion's share of the Edhi Foundation's $10-million budget comes from private donations from individual Pakistanis.For this, Edhi may well be the most widely admired man in Pakistan. In 1986 he received the Ramón Magsaysay Award for Public Service, sometimes referred to as "the Asian Nobel Prize." In 2000, he was awarded the International Balzan Prize for Humanity, Peace and Brotherhood. In 2002, he joined former us President Bill Clinton, Nobel Prize winner Elie Wiesel and others as an honorary board member of the newly founded Daniel Pearl Foundation, created in honor of the murderedWall Street Journal correspondent. Typically, Edhi pays his own way to receive awards and participate in conferences.

"What Edhi is doing is nothing short of a miracle," explains Z. A. Nizami, former director-general of the Karachi Development Authority.

Hemmed in by a labyrinth of fabric shops, food markets and dusty, cart-filled lanes, Edhi's three-story Mithadar center is a hive of activity. In the crowded front offices, men and women sit behind donated desks taking ambulance calls, ordering medicines and checking the accounts of clinics and centers across the country. In one room, three women are filling out adoption papers. Bilquis Edhi, who oversees adoptions, has placed more than 16,000 children in adopted homes. Outside every Edhi center there is a cradle—shaded from the sun—where unwanted babies can be left anonymously.

Upstairs, a dozen infants and well-fed toddlers, some rattling across the floor in walking strollers, play and doze as Bilquis chats with a woman who has come to adopt a child for her son and daughter-in-law in the United States.

"The baby she's adopting was starving when it arrived," Bilquis remarks. "When you nurse a child back to life, it really hurts to see her go, even after you've gone through the process thousands of times. Finding her a loving home makes it worth the feeling of loss."

Bilquis tells of the 32-year-old woman who showed up recently at the Mithadar clinic looking for her. The woman explained that her parents had just revealed that they had adopted her as an infant from the Edhi center. "I'm a doctor now, with four children of my own," she told Bilquis. "And I wanted to show my gratitude to the woman who nursed me."

"We both broke down in tears," Bilquis recalls.

With her head loosely covered by a brightly patterned yellow scarf and eyes that twinkle behind black-framed glasses, Bilquis's sunny, lighthearted disposition contrasts with her husband's severe, sometimes impatient manner. The pair met at the clinic when she arrived as an 18-year-old nurse in 1965. A year or so later, they were married.

Their wedding night set the tone for the relationship. Dropping by the dispensary after the ceremony, Edhi found a 12-year-old girl with severe head injuries. The newlyweds rushed her to the hospital and spent the night supervising blood transfusions and calming down distraught relatives.

"I didn't mind at all," Bilquis told Reader's Digest for an article published in 1989. "Today that girl is married with children; that's what is really important."

Even so, Bilquis acknowledges in a playful way, life with Edhi can be trying. "Sometimes I wonder how I stayed my whole life with this man who is a mental case," she says with a smile. "He won't even attend the weddings of his own children, but if there's an emergency somewhere he'll dash out to help in an instant."

In a room nearby, a teacher is conducting a class in Urdu, Arabic and counting for around a dozen children three to six years old, some of whom have Down's syndrome. Next door, a female doctor is showing 10 aspiring nurses how to take blood tests; it's part of a six-month course that will lead to their certification as nurse's aides.

With her head loosely covered by a brightly patterned yellow scarf and eyes that twinkle behind black-framed glasses, Bilquis's sunny, lighthearted disposition contrasts with her husband's severe, sometimes impatient manner. "I tell destitute women who come to the centers that they can learn nursing here and later earn their own money as nurses and midwives," Edhi explains back downstairs in his office. So far, around 1500 women have received this training.

Edhi's own passion for healing dates back to his childhood. At age 11, he was obliged to care for his mother, who was paralyzed with a severe diabetic condition. "I bathed her, changed her and fed her," he recalls in his 1996 autobiography, A Mirror to the Blind."Taking care of my mother made me ponder the misery of others who suffered; from that time on, I began to think of how I could help them, and to dream of building hospitals and a village for the handicapped."

Born in 1928 in Bantva, a small Indian town of 25,000 inhabitants in Gujarat state, he was "not what I would call an obedient child," he admits with a grin. A natural leader, when he was not prodding other kids to join him in stealing corn and fruit from wealthy farmers, he was organizing impromptu circuses and performing gymnastic feats for the neighbors. Although his father brokered textiles and other goods and provided the family with a middle-class income, both of Edhi's parents instilled in him the importance of simplicity and frugal living.

"Every day before school, my mother would give me two paisa and say, 'Spend one paisaon yourself and give the other away,'" Edhi remembers. "When I came home, she would ask me where I had given away my one paisa. It was her way of creating an awareness in me of the need for social welfare."

At the same time he began caring for his mother, he also developed a habit of saving, putting aside one rupee for every five he earned working at a fabric shop after school. This thriftiness served him well, prompting him to gradually acquire government securities. Even now, Edhi takes no salary, choosing instead to live parsimoniously on the interest from these securities.

In 1951, four years after the family moved to Karachi following the 1947 partition of the Indian subcontinent, the 23-year-old Edhi used some of his savings to buy a tiny shop, less than three meters (10') on a side, inside what is now the clinic building. Together with a doctor who taught him the basics of health care, he set up a free dispensary, and he persuaded several friends to help him add free literacy classes. To be available at all times, he slept on a cement bench outside the dispensary.

In 1957, a virulent flu epidemic swept through Karachi. Edhi reacted with unselfish daring, using his own money to erect tented camps on the city's outskirts where people received free immunizations. After the epidemic was brought under control, grateful residents chipped in to buy the rest of the Mithadar dispensary building, enabling Edhi to create a free maternity center and nursing school.

Dispatched from call centers scattered around the country's cities and highways, Edhi ambulances are still usually the first to arrive at the scene.Over the years that followed, Edhi realized that Karachi desperately needed an ambulance service. Impressed by his handling of the flu crisis, a local businessman made a large donation, part of which Edhi used to buy a beat-up van that he converted into a free ambulance and drove himself. "I prided myself on being the first to arrive at an accident," he recalls. Today, Edhi's ambulance service has grown to a fleet of more than 600 nationwide, all paid for with donations. Dispatched from call centers scattered around the country's cities and highways, Edhi ambulances are still usually the first to arrive at the scene, and they have helped cut the fatality toll from road accidents by half, he says.

In 1986, during a hijacking attempt at Karachi airport, Edhi marshaled 54 ambulances at the ready. When negotiations between the hijackers and the government broke down and Pakistani commandos stormed the plane, Edhi and other paramedics entered under fire to try to save wounded passengers and crew.

In 1993, during devastating floods in the Punjab, Edhi ambulances rescued 50,000 people. Using donated planes, volunteers also dropped food, water and supplies to isolated families. Edhi's air ambulance service now numbers three planes and a helicopter, all donated by the US Agency for International Development—"without conditions," Edhi is quick to point out.

"The 1993 flood was the biggest operation we'd ever done; it satisfied Mr. Edhi that we could handle major disasters," explains Anwer Kazmi, a longtime friend and aide, who translates Edhi's Urdu into English.

A stickler for organizational efficiency, Edhi stands up from his desk and goes over to a wall arrayed with stacked drawers of cardboard boxes, each carefully labeled with a year, a location and a subject. "How do you like my computer?" he asks, smiling, as he pulls out a box containing the expense records of the 1993 flood operation. Like his training in health care, Edhi's expertise in administration is self-taught, his business savvy acquired over decades of running a foundation that now occupies some 7330 staff and volunteers. Back at his desk, he leafs through one of the oversize accounting ledgers that he fills with ruminations, anecdotes, recollections and plans.

"Sometimes I wake up in the middle of the night and jot down ideas in these ledgers," he explains. "And in the morning, everyone groans about all the orders I hand down as I try to follow through on my inspirations."

Recently one of those nighttime brainstorms involved setting up emergency clinics on Pakistan's border with Afghanistan to treat victims of the 2001 war. Edhi's son Faisal, 26, who works for the foundation, vividly recalls an incident at one of these clinics that encapsulated his father's demanding nature.

At the new center in Jamun, Faisal explains, local staff members had purchased a dozen chairs for guests and journalists. When Edhi arrived for his own first visit, he blew up. "Why did you waste money on chairs?" he stormed. "Next, you'll be buying beds and other things for yourselves instead of spending the money on the people we intend to help." That night, Edhi himself slept with the ambulance drivers on the floor of the center.

As Faisal finishes his anecdote, Edhi rubs a hand across his balding head and nods in agreement. "People respect me because they see how simply we live and that all the donations go to the people who need help," he volunteers. Only 10 percent of the foundation's overall budget goes toward administrative overhead, including salaries, he adds.

Edhi and Bilquis still occupy a cramped, two-room apartment next to his office in the midst of the hubbub of the Mithadar clinic. He remains on call for emergencies 24 hours a day—just as he has for the past 52 years. "I am always available to all, rich or poor," he says. "Anyone can come into this office and talk to me."

Despite this open-door policy, growing up the children of such a father was not easy. Although Edhi's children were raised largely by Bilquis's mother in a house near the dispensary, they were exposed to pain and misery from an early age. At seven, Faisal recalls accompanying his father to recover the corpse of a murder victim. Edhi brought the body back to Mithadar, washed it and gave it a respectful burial. "I got very sick and couldn't sleep for a week," Faisal recalls.

Some girls flee to Edhi centers to obtain the education their families deny them. Others are sent by parents eager to have their daughters educated, but too poor to pay school fees.By the time he was 10, however, Faisal had grown accustomed to riding with his father on ambulance calls to bring the dead and injured to morgues and hospitals. Now, Faisal is in charge of the ambulance service, whose costs he is trying to cut to make it self- sustaining. He's also creating a new dispensary and ambulance center for some 50,000 people uprooted from their Karachi homes by a highway project and forcibly moved to a treeless settlement west of the city where there is no running water, sewage or electricity.

Running the Edhi Foundation is very much a family concern. Edhi, Bilquis and their children meet every Sunday at the girls' home in Clifton to confer over problems at the centers and plan new projects.

"We discuss each girl individually," says Edhi's 36-year-old daughter, Kubra, who is as restrained as Faisal is extroverted. "Before the establishment of Edhi homes, young girls who ran away from their families fell into prostitution and other criminal activities. Now they have a place to take shelter."

Some girls flee to the center to obtain the education their families deny them, while others are sent by parents eager to have their daughters educated, but too poor to pay school fees.

"When girls first come, they generally pass the first few days with great difficulty, often getting depressed and tense," Kubra continues. "We involve them in work—taking care of children, mixing with other girls and women. Their lives become more normal after three or four days. If a girl continues to be depressed or has difficulty adjusting, we call a doctor to treat her."

"This is very difficult work, because of fundamentalism," Edhi interjects. "Our society does not want to give any facilities to females. When political opponents criticize us, we never fight them—we ignore them.

"Still, it's very hard to survive if you are working for all the people, not just your particular religious or ethnic group," he acknowledges. "With so much discrimination and growing religious divisions, my children will have a very, very tough time."

In 1992, tragedy drew the family closer than ever. A mentally unbalanced woman staying at the Clifton home scalded Kubra's four-year-old son, Bilal, with bathwater so hot that he died two months later. "Revenge will not bring Bilal back," Edhi advised Kubra at the time. "You must try to forgive the woman." Kubra decided to transfer her to another Edhi center, but not to punish her. That Kubra and the rest of the family continued their work with the mentally disturbed and destitute is powerful testimony to their commitment.

Early the next morning, Edhi sets out with Faisal and Kazmi to conduct a surprise inspection of Edhi Village, a home for runaway and abandoned boys with a separate asylum for mentally ill and physically handicapped men. Halfway into the 45-minute drive south of Karachi, Edhi stops the ambulance at a one-room cinderblock building with a red roof, one of 35 emergency first-aid outposts he's created along the 1100- kilometer (700-mi) highway from Karachi to Peshawar.

As he chats with the paramedic on call, a pair of policemen pull up to the center. Seeing Edhi, they greet him warmly and join in the conversation.

"Before we set up these emergency centers, the police were stretched too thin and many people died in accidents," says Faisal. "Now, they rely on us to respond to 75 percent of road accidents." Nationwide, the Edhi ambulance service receives more than 6000 calls a day.

At the entrance to Edhi Village, the driveway is lined with tamarisk trees covered with yellow blossoms, eucalyptus and palm trees, and beds of purple and white flowers. The courtyard is sprawling and grassy, surrounded by classrooms and dormitories. It contains a playground, a soccer field and volleyball and basketball courts, all of which are used for competitive games with visiting school teams. "Faisal organized the boys to do the landscaping," Edhi says proudly. "It's part of our self-help initiative."

Despite the spartan facilities, When Edhi purchased the Village's 26-hectare (65-acre) parcel in 1985, it was barren land. Now there are kitchens, workshops, recreation rooms and housing for 250 children in one complex and 1500 mental patients in another.

In one of the classrooms, Edhi singles out an alert-looking 10-year-old pupil with a congenitally deformed hand. "When he was a newborn, this boy was abandoned in one of our cradles outside a center in Karachi," Edhi explains. "Bilquis named him Shazab and took care of him in Mithadar until he was old enough to come here. Now he's one of our smartest students." When Edhi asks him what he'd like to do when he graduates, Shazab breaks into a shy smile. "I want to be in charge of Edhi Village," he says.

Further down the open-air hallway are workshops with sewing machines and stacks of electrical equipment. In one of the rooms, a teacher is demonstrating how to repair a refrigerator motor. Edhi pauses to talk with a 13-year-old boy who explains that he's an Afghan refugee whose parents were killed in the 2001 war. Police picked him up begging on a Karachi street and brought him to an Edhi center. He was later transferred to Edhi Village.

"The boys install all the electrical wiring in the Village and receive enough training to become electricians," Edhi explains. "We also teach them how to sew so that they can get jobs as tailors or clothes makers when they leave."

"Sometimes, parents take their children back home and the kids run away again to come back," adds Kazmi. "The education they receive here is better than the education even middle-class students receive. Also, we provide them with clothes and plenty of food."

In the walled sanatorium for the mentally handicapped, physically disabled and mentally ill next door, the scene is more sobering. Several hundred residents lie on scattered mattresses or sit on the cement floor in one bare, cavernous ward. Elsewhere, groups of men mill about outside under straggly bougainvillea trees. Despite the spartan facilities, "the patients live under far better conditions than in other mental hospitals in Pakistan," maintains Ghulam Mustafa, the senior doctor of a staff of five doctors and eight nurses on rotation.

"We organize games and art activities, and the retarded patients do most of the work themselves, keeping the place neat and clean," he says. "The better-off patients take care of the ones who are more dependent."

Back in Karachi, Edhi stops by a men's psychiatric center to meet with Mohammad Ayaz, a soft- spoken, 40-year-old psychiatrist whom Edhi hired after witnessing his success in rehabilitating mentally ill inmates of the city's central jail. In the front reception room, former patients are busy answering telephone calls and dispatching ambulances.

"Many of our patients can be cured," Ayaz explains, "but their relatives reject them, leaving them here to languish unnecessarily in long-term care.

"Our biggest problem is that we don't have enough trained staff," he continues. "Twelve doctors in rotation have to look after a total of 3500 patients in Edhi Village and six residential centers in Karachi."

One of the men manning the phones stands up to introduce himself in American-accented English. A self-possessed character with a shock of swept-back black hair flecked with gray, 53-year-old Tariq Ayubi says he perfected his English in Miami, where he went to business school. Moving back to Karachi, he married, went into business and thrived. Gradually, however, he began drinking heavily, and he soon lost his job and his wife. Severely depressed and penniless, he sought refuge at the Edhi center. Volunteering for work here saved him, Ayubi says.

"The Edhi Foundation is the only social welfare organization in the country that works," he declares.

Afterwards, Edhi expertly maneuvers the ambulance through teeming streets to the women's sanatorium in north Karachi. As he ambles down the immaculate marble hallways, residents cluster around him, calling out "Abu-ji!" ("Daddy!"). "This adulation makes me nervous," he says. "I'm not some kind of saint."

Seeing one woman sitting on concrete steps distractedly waving flies away from an open sore on her foot, Edhi bends close, asking her gently how long it has been infected. "Two days," she replies, "but it's much worse this afternoon." He calls out for a nurse to attend to the sore. When no one comes, he stalks away impatiently. "Don't worry," he calls over his shoulder to the suffering woman. "I'll be back with a bandage before you know it."

Later on, after Edhi has disinfected and dressed the woman's wound, he sits on a stone bench and listens to other residents tell him heartrending stories of cruel husbands and family betrayal. Driving back to the Mithadar center, he vents his long-running frustration with the plight of women in Pakistan.

"Society goes against the teachings of the Qur'an in mistreating women and not giving them equality," he says with indignation. "Only 10 percent of Pakistani women know how to read and write. That's why we try so hard to give the girls who come to us a good education. Once they get an education, they can start to take control of their lives."

Back at Mithadar, a businessman in a crisp linen shirt and polished shoes is waiting for Edhi in his office. "Here's one who has come around," he says, gripping the man's shoulders in a friendly embrace. Edhi explains that the waiting businessman has launched a partnership with the foundation to assist the poor in starting fabric shops, food stalls and other small businesses. "He's helping them stand on their own rather than giving them handouts that only make them more dependent," says Edhi.

"That's the humanitarian revolution we need," he continues with a weary smile. "But still so few understand. Let's spread the word."

Richard Covington Paris-based author Richard Covington(richard.covington@free.fr) writes about arts, culture and the media in Europe, the Middle East and Asia for the International Herald Tribune, the Los Angeles Times, Smithsonian, Reader's Digest and other publications.
Shahidul Alam Shahidul Alam is founder of Drik Picture Library (www.drik.net), the Bangladesh Photo Institute, Pathshala (the South Asian Institute of Photography) as well as the biennial Chobi Mela Festival of Photography in Asia. He lives in Dhaka.